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Chapter Three: Society & Areas of Conflict
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Iraqi society consists of several religious, ethnic and social groups. However, Iraqis are equal citizens before the law without discrimination based on sex, race, nationality, religion, sect, or the belief. Islam is considered the official religion of the state, as 97% of the population are Muslims. Sunni and Shiit sects are the two fundamental components of this religion in the Iraqi society. Islam is spread all over Iraq and then comes Christianity, Sabians, Mandaeans and Yazidis. Christianity is considered the second followed religion after Islam, and it is acknowledged by the Iraqi constitution, including 14 Christian denominations in the country. They all speak Arabic, in addition to small percentage of Syriac and Armenian speakers. Christians reside in all governorates of Iraq in various numbers, but the larger numbers are concentrated in Baghdad and in northren Iraq, especially in Nineveh valley next to Mosul. Arabs compose the majority of the population (75-80% of the total population), followed by the Kurds (12-18%). This diversity and mixture have resulted in the emergence of different groups and communities, where different religion believes or ethnicities are merged. For example, there is a group called “Al-Shabak”, that lives in east of Musel, and includes different nationalities; Arabs, Kurds and Turkmans. The main three nationalities in Iraq, are Arabs, Kurds and Turkmans. Dr. Sarmad Ahmad Alsalmani Iraq’s contemporary history, according to many observers, is divided into two parts, the first one refers to the era before 2003 and the second is after 2003. The conflict areas have changed between the two eras, and this is due to the political, demographic and geopolitical change in Iraq. This change has also overshadowed the media, which became more open and free with multi-outlets and satellite channels. This change has led to broader and bigger media landscape and that is why we see how media coverage of conflict areas vary between the different media outlets. This difference is usually attributed to the finance, the political orientation, the policy, and the strategy of the channel. For an example, if we look at the media landscape today, we see that terrorism is one of the most issues discussed by the media. Indeed, Iraq today is where terrorism is practiced massively, and where the conflict zones are increasing. Therefore, TV channels discuss the issue accordingly, but we can’t find any of them who discusses it impartially and objectively. These channels are divided into those who do not give much importance to terrorism and ISIS threat, and this is related to the channels policy. The other part includes the channels who inflate the issue beyond reality. This is also due to political reasons but also could be due to problematic professional morals. We look today for channels that discuss these issues impartially, objectively and accurately, which can portray the threats of ISIS and its ideology. We are facing today not only an ideological invasion, but also an intellectual invasion that is storming our region. |
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Chapter four: General Information about the Media System
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Chapter 7: Ownership Structure
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There is no red line imposed on the ownership of media in Iraq, however, in reality it is the capital who controls the media. The capital has become powerful after 2003, especially the political, partisan and religious capital. Those who have this power, are the ones who establish media outlets.
Worth noting, most media outlets that emerged after 2003, were means to promote factional, partisan, political and religious interests, which made its coverage unprofessional. However, many known journalists established their own media outlets and were appreciated and distinguished by Iraqis for their professionalism. This was not the case with media outlets that were established by people who have no relation to the profession of journalism and all what they have is their money and power.
Saa’d Albazzaz, head of the Independent Media Group.
He was born in Nineveh governorate in 1952. He is an Iraqi journalist and a business man, who left to London in 1992, after a dispute with the old Iraqi regime, in which he held many media positions, including the vice head of the journalists’ syndicate, who was at the time Uday Saddam Hussein. He established “Azzaman” newspaper in London, which was an opponent to the regime, and established the satellite channel “Al Sharqiya” in 2004, which developed into various TV channels.
Fakhri Karim, head of Almada Institute for Culture and Arts
He is an Iraqi Kurd, born in 1942. He established a publishing house called “Ibn Elshaa’b” in 1959. In 1970, he was elected as the head of the journalists’ syndicate. In 1983, he established “Almada Institute for Culture and Arts” in Damascus, as a pan Arab cultural institute. His media institution owns today a radio station, TV channel and a widely spread daily newspaper and they are all called “Almada”.
A’wn Hussain Alkhashluk, head of Al Baghdadia
He is an Iraqi business man born in 1961 in the city of Qalat Sukkar in Dhi Qar governorate. He left Iraq in 1979 and received his PhD in civil engineering. He founded “Alkhashluk” Investment Group, which operates in Europe, USA, Britain, Africa, UAE and Turkey. He owns Al Baghdadia channel, which is considered one of the most important Iraqi channels.
Nuri al-Maliki, an Iraqi politician, holds a bachelor's degree from the Faculty of Theology in Baghdad and a master's degree in Arabic from the University of Salahaddin in Erbil. After the decision of the former regime to ban the Da’wa Party, he fled to Syria. After the occupation of Iraq, he became the prime minister in 2006, and he supervises “Afaq” channel.
Ammar Abdul Aziz Mohsen Hakim, an Iraqi politician and cleric, born in 1971. He is the grandson of the religious figure, Mohsen al-Hakim, the Shiite cleric. He left Iraq in 1979 with his father and studied at a secondary school in the Iranian capital of Tehran. Then completed his university studies in the city of Qom, where he earned a law degree. He supervises “Al Forat”, a prominent Iraqi satellite channel.
Ali Asem Aljanabi, head of “Al Rasheed institute for media services”
He was born in Baghdad in 1964. Holds a master’s degree in economy. He is the brother of Saa’d Asem Aljanabi, a well-known politician who heads the Iraqi Republican Assembly, and also runs many companies, in addition to being the original founder of Al Rashid.
Al Rashid institute operates Al Rashid TV channel, which was established in January 6th, 2009, and Al Rashid radio stations in Baghdad, Basra, Nineveh and Kirkuk.
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يهيمن على الاقتصاد العراقي القطاع النفطي الذي يوفر قرابة 95 % من العائدات فالعراق هو من الدول المؤسسة لمنظمة الأوبك وبدأت صناعته عام 1925 وبذلك يُعد العراق من الدول الغنية ، حيث يحتل مخزونه الاحتياطي من النفط المرتبة الثانية بعد السعودية باحتياطي يبلغ قرابة (150,000,000,000) برميل ويتركز الجزء الأعظم من الاحتياطي النفطي في المناطق الجنوبية بما يقارب 71 % من مجموع الاحتياطي العراقي أما بالنسبة لوسط وشمال البلاد فيقدر الاحتياطي 12 %. لقاء أ.م.د. كاظم المقدادي وسائل الإعلام العراقية يتوزع تمويلها من اكثر من مصدر، المصدر الاساسي هي الاحزاب الدينية، والتي اساسا ً هذه الاحزاب تمول من دول اقليمية، وتحديداً من ايران التي تمول بعض الفضائيات العراقية وبالتالي هي تمثل مايعرف بالاسلام السياسي الذي يتوجه الى طائفة معنية. هناك ايضا ًتمويل اخر من رجال الاعمال العراقيين اصحاب مصارف اومن يمتلكون ثروة طائلة، حيث يمتلكون الكثير من الفضائيات، هؤلاء يوجهون بعض خطاباتهم الإعلامية الى السياسيين بهدف الابتزاز للحصول على بعض المقاولات الكبيرة جدا وبعض المشاريع الكبيرة او قد يسعون الى منصب سياسي. الاقتصاد العراقي يعتمد على النفط لكن هذا الاقتصاد لم يساهم في تمويل وسائل الإعلام العراقية وهنا اقصد الاقتصاد الوطني، للأسف هذا غير موجود الا في الفضائية العراقية او شبكة الإعلام العراقي التي لا تعتمد على موارد ذاتية وانما تعتمد على الحكومة. اما بقية وسائل الإعلام فكما اشرت في البداية ذات تمويل مشبوه بمعنى انه لا يخدم التوجه الوطني العراقي. ليس هناك من خط احمر على امتلاك وسائل الإعلام في العراق على نحو عام، لكن من يتحكم في الامر واقعيا هو رأس المال الذي ظهرت سطوته واضحة بعد عام 2003، ولاسيما راس المال السياسي والحزبي والديني فمن يمتلكون هذه السلطة هم من ينشئون وسائل الإعلام بمختلف انواعها واشكالها. والملحوظة الجديرة بالاهتمام ان معظم المؤسسات الإعلامية التي ظهرت بعد عام 2003 كانت محطات للترويج لمنافع واغراض فئوية وحزبية وسياسية ودينية مما جعل خطابها غير مهني، لكن إعلاميين معروفين دخلوا على الوسط الإعلامي وانشئوا مؤسسات إعلامية تميزت بمهنيتها وحضيت باهتمام الشارع العراقي، على خلاف المؤسسات الاخرى التي اسسها اشخاص لا علاقة لهم بمهنة الإعلام وكل ما يمتلكونه هو المال والسلطة السياسية اوالحزبية او الدينية او الفئوية او العرقية. سعد البزاز رئيس مجموعة الاعلام المستقل هومن مواليد محافظة نينوى 1952، إعلامي عراقي ورجل اعمال يعيش في لندن بعد ان غادر العراقفي عام 1992 بعد خلافه مع النظام السابق الذي تقلد فيه مناصب اعلامية عديدة ابرزها نائب عدي صدام حسين حينما كان نقيبا للصحفيين، واسس في لندن جريدة الزمان المعارضة للنظام واسس قناة الشرقية في عام 2004 التي تطورت وتحولت الى قنوات عديدة. فخري كريم، رئيس مؤسسة المدى للإعلام والثقافة والفنون عراقي كردي من مواليد 1942، أسس في عام 1959 دار (ابن الشعب) للنشر والطباعة والتوزيع، انتخب نائباً لنقيب الصحفيين العراقيين عام 1970، ثم اسس (دار المدى للإعلام للثقافة والفنون) عام 1983 في دمشق بوصفها مؤسسة ثقافية عربية ، ومؤسسته الإعلامية تمتلك حاليا محطة اذاعية وقناة فضائية وصحيفة يومية واسعة الانتشار تحمل جميعها اسم المدى. عون حسين الخشلوك رئيس مجموعة البغدادية الإعلامية رجل اعمال عراقي، ولد في مدينة قلعة سكر في 1961 في محافظة ذي قار، غادر العراق عام 1979، وحصل على شهادة الدكتوراه في الهندسة المدنية، اسس مجموعة الخشلوك الاستثمارية التجارية التي تعمل في اوربا والولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا وأفريقيا والإمارات العربية المتحدة وتركيا وهو يملك الان قناة البغدادية الفضائية التي تُعد واحدة من اهم القنوات العراقية الفضائية. نوري المالكي.. سياسي عراقي حاصل على شهادة البكالوريوس من كلية أصول الدين في بغداد، وشهادة الماجستير في اللغة العربية من جامعة صلاح الدين في أربيل. غادر العراق بعد ما أصدر النظام السابق قرارا حظر بموجبه حزب الدعوة الذي ينتمي اليه ثم لجأ إلى سوريا. وبعد احتلال العراق في عام2003 اصبح رئيسا للوزراء عام 2006 وهو يشرف على قناة آفاق الفضائية. عمار عبد العزيز محسن الحكيم، سياسي ورجل دين عراقي ولد في عام 1971 حفيد المرجع الديني محسن الحكيم المرجع الشيعي في العراق، غادر العراق عام 1979 برفقة والده ودرس بإحدى ثانويات العاصمة الإيرانية طهران ثم أكمل دراسته الجامعية في مدينة قم وحصل على شهادة القانون، وهو يشرف بشكل مباشر على قناة الفرات الفضائية التي تعد من القنوات الفضائية العراقية البارزة. علي عاصم الجنابي رئيس مجموعة ادارة مؤسسة الرشيد للخدمات الإعلامية ولد في بغداد عام1964 يحمل شهادة الماجستير في الاقتصاد شقيق سعد عاصم الجنابي السياسي المعروف ورئيس التجمع الجمهوري العراقي والذي يدير شركات تجارية عديدة وهو المؤسس الحقيقي لادارة مؤسسة الرشيد، هذه المؤسسة التي تضم قناة الرشيد الفضائية التي تاسست في 6 كانون الثاني من عام 2009، فضلا اذاعات الرشيد في محافظات بغداد والبصرة ونينوى وكركوك. |
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Since I was young, I like journalism, and I wished to work for a media institution as I thought that the national issues, needs to reach the media. Journalism and media is a hobby, those who look to make money, do not enter this domain. When I was a child, I used to sit in front of the mirror as if I was a TV host. My father, was a prominent media and academic figure Dr. Muzaffar Mandoub, may he rest in peace. When my brother thought I was crazy, my father smiled and said I was not a crazy and I would be one day a journalist. I had the desire to work in the media, so I can be a TV host. I started at Al Iraqiya as a news editor and received a lot of support from the director of the channel, Abd Eljabbar Alshabout. I wanted to work in the media even before I entered the journalism school, and then I did my internship at “Al Rashid” TV channel. Many ask us how they can be journalists. You need three keys to become a journalist: the talent, the academic education, and to love your profession and work hard to express the concerns of your society. The journalist is the mirror of the society. Journalism can be the profession of troubles, but the fatigue disappears as soon as you manage to convey your message to others. Interview with Muayad Al Lami The Iraqi Journalists Syndicate is responsible for all Iraqi journalists working in media institutions, including TV channels, radio stations, press agencies, newspapers as well as periodicals. The reality on the ground requires a body that protects these journalists and provides them with training workshops. The syndicate are for professional journalist and not for amateurs. In order to join the syndicate, one should be working for an accredited media institution. The journalist will also be subject to a test. Also freelance journalists can join the syndicate but they have to go through the editorial and practical tests. A member can be a Photographer, reporter, editor, editorial secretary, chief editor or anyone who works in the media. The syndicate’s role is not limited to Iraq. It is currently heading the Federation of Arab Journalists, which includes 21 Arab countries. It is a member of the International Federation of Journalists, its main office is located in Brussels and it includes about one million members from 140 countries. The Syndicate is influential and considered the fourth estate. Its power is equivalent to the power of the judicial, legislative and executive authorities. Iraq has the highest number of martyrs in the world. It might have more victims than the victims of World War II and the Vietnam War. It has also a high number of journalist-martyrs. Since 2003, over 420 journalists were killed by militants, terrorists attacks or US forces. |
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Chapter 9: Social Media
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People vary in their use of media, including traditional or electronic. What are the communication means you prefer; mobile phone, iPad, laptop, or other, and why?. I prefer the electronic. At these times, I prefer the electronic media. I prefer the electronic, like the mobile. Electronic is better, like the mobile. Electronic media, because its faster in terms of use and in terms of access to information. Everything is within reach by the mobile, we can get any information, we can get to newspapers, television and radio. They all have sites on the Internet. The electronic media overshadowed the traditional The mobile, because it is easy to hold and to access any information I need. I prefer the traditional media, starting with the TV, then the radio and lastly the newspapers. I prefer the traditional because it has more credibility. Even though some channels promote rumors and disinformation, I generally prefer the traditional. The traditional is considered a reliable source and when it passes information, it is sourced by an institution or a person, who is held responsible for the information. Interview with Dr. Abd Al Amir Faisal, Electronic Media, Baghdad University Iraq, like other countries in the world, is up to date with technological developments. It has the infrastructure, which helps the citizens to use it easily. The small electronic devices have encouraged this trend. In addition, the increase in mobile usage among people in the age range of 10-40 years or even up to 50 years, enabled them to consume the electronic media. Today, 80% of the Iraqis use electronic media due to the availability of internet and the required devices, which made internet the favorite media source. The difficulties facing the traditional Iraqi media, have contributes to this trend, including the decline in newspapers due to lack of funding. In some newspapers the number of pages have shrank. The highest number of print for any Iraqi paper is 7000 copy only and this number is only relevant for the prominent papers. The number of copies for smaller papers is between 1000 to 3000 copies, daily. The total number of Iraqi newspapers copies, don’t reach more than 100.000. 100,000 (5) 100,000* 5 = 500,000 30,000,000 If you multiply 100.000 by 5, which is the highest rate according to International institutions, equals 500.000, this is half million copy. How will half million copy make an impact among 30 Million people. Therefore, the alternative to this media is the electronic media, and that is why electronic media occupies the first place, followed by the TV satellite channels, then the newspapers and the Radios.
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Chapter 10: Outro
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